Bobby

Nigerian Governors, as custodians of the people’s mandate at the state level, have so much expectations placed on their shoulders. These range from policy formulations to execution of sustainable projects targeted at improving the lives of citizens. Admittedly, governance is a daunting task, especially in the face of lean resources. But even in the face of these huddles, some helmsmen have shown exceptional capacity to better their societies while others have appeared as laggards. The debate is on, necessitating an urgent media intervention to guide public discourse. Ripples Nigeria, in line with our avowed mandate of holding leaders, especially elected ones, accountable on behalf of the people, will attempt a monthly performance review of the governors. These series of publications start August, 2019, and will run through the lifetime of this platform. Beginning August, therefore, we present a ranking of Nigerian governors, highlighting top 5 and bottom 5. We hope that, through these special publications, we would engender a competitive spirit between and among the governors and ultimately drive our nation toward the path of lifting its citizens from abject poverty to prosperity. Here the top 5 Nigerian governors below: 1. Seyi Makinde – Oyo Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State made a blistering start as the governor of Oyo State and may likely become the poster boy of Nigerian Governors if he continues in the current form. From publicly declaring his assets running into several billions, a feat largely alien to Nigerian politicians, he went ahead to refuse taking monthly salaries, electing to donate same to pensioners in the state. Aside this, the first term governor also took steps to sanitise the state by banning the activities of the highly violent transport unions in Oyo, restoring sanity to the environment by coming hard on illegal structures defacing Ibadan, the state capital. To cap his eventful August, Governor Makinde showed his belief in youths by appointing a 27-year-old as a commissioner, a move that incurred the wrath of members of his party. 2. Bello Matawalle – Zamfara Before the coming on board of Governor Bello Matawalle of Zamfara State, the state gained immense notoriety for banditry, where lives became so cheap, with killings and kidnapping becoming the most frequent occurences. However, Zamfara has taken the back seat in these areas, thanks to Governor Matawalle’s ingenous handling of the volatile situation. Aside engaging in dialogue to rein in bandits and warring factions in the state, which had led to repentant bandits taking over the fight against banditry by personally going after recalcitrant bandits, the governor also showed courage and political will in sanctioning and removing traditional rulers indicted for aiding bandits in the state, a move his predecessor, ex-Governor Abdulaziz Yari lacked courage to implement. It is our hope, though, that the policy of appeasing bandits only represents a short term measure, and that a more sustainable security architecture is institutionalized with appropriate sanctions applied against societal deviants. 3. Professor Babagana Zulum – Borno Governor Babagana Zulum has been a study in courage. Since he took charge of governance in insurgency-ravaged North Eastern state of Borno, he has courageously dared the terrorist group, insisting he would not be cowed or intimidated. Determined to give governance a new face, the tough-talking governor has shown leadership in the way he is setting fresh standards for public or civil servants intent on their old ways of running government as an unserious business. We are particularly impressed by Zulum’s resolve to publicly sanction erring civil servants who had made a habit of abandoning work and fraudulently earning salaries they did not work for. His Agro-rangers initiative, where a group of armed men are assigned to protect citizens in their farms, if followed through, is capable of ensuring food security despite the insurgency. The decision of the former University of Maiduguri professor to donate the dreaded Sambisa Forest to Nigerian Government’s RUGA Project is welcome, especially as the region is considered one of the nation’s largest land mass capable of sustaining an agro-allied industry. 4. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi – Enugu Enugu State has lately been in the news for the wrong reasons, largely due to kidnapping and gruesome murders. From the killing of a Catholic priest to that of a pregnant woman, amongst several others, bandits seem to have converged on Enugu to unsettle the state. The governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi has, however, from our findings continued to manage the situation creditably. Aside mooting a ministry of security affairs, the governor also inaugurated a security outfit known as Forest Guards to make Enugu forests safe and prevent them from being used as launch-pads for nefarious activities. His prompt on-the-spot assessment and response to various security challenges did earn some positive reviews by the citizens. Perhaps, it is in the area of infrastructure development that Ugwuanyi has left significant footprints. Though critics argue that most of these, especially roads, are concentrated in the governor’s home zone, the administration has unveiled plans to extend infrastructure development to other parts of the state. We hope this would be carried through. 5. Babajide Sanwo-Olu – Lagos Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has shown, since inception of his administration, that it is rewarding to be focused on a goal and delivering same with determination. With a clear understanding of what the objectives are, the governor has applied himself to tackling the menace of man hour lost in traffic gridlock in the state. Also noteworthy is the quiet effort to restore hygiene conditions, beginning first with some strategic locations in the state. We hope these efforts would be sustained in the months ahead given the filths that literally overtook Lagos in the dying days of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration when political intrigues pitted PSP operators against the government. Also notable is the current moves by the state House of Assembly to probe the immediate past administration in the state. Though no one is in doubt that the proposed probe bears the signature of the state government, the fact that the House of Assembly is spearheading the move confers semblance of legitimacy and it is hoped that the rule of law would prevail to rubbish any claims to witch-hunt. Here the bottom 5 Nigerian governors below: 1. Emeka Ihedioha – Imo Governor Emeka Ihedioha came into office with so much promise and expectations after the eight years of former Governor Rochas Okorocha, which many in the state would wish to consign to the dustbin of history. Despite the promise and great expectations, Governor Ihedioha, many believe, has been distracted and losing focus because of what is termed his administration’s excessive obsession with former Governor Okorocha and the desire to probe and bring him to justice for alleged corruption while in office. The recent face-off between the chairman of the state property recovery committee and alleged thugs loyal to the former governor only goes to show the low level the desire to probe Okorocha has sunk. The announcement of an “arrest” order by the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) has also received knocks from several Nigerians, not just for the legality of the order coming from the SSG but also over fears that such attempt could lead to anarchy in the state. Probing a past administration alleged to have corruptly enriched itself at the expense of the populace is desirable and the way to go, but that must be seen to have been executed within the ambits of the law. Taking laws into their hands by allegedly invading Okorocha’s house with ‘thugs’ under the pretext of recovering state properties, when pettitions by the same government are already receiving attention from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offenses Commission (ICPC), reeks of malice and turning the rule of law on its head. 2. Nyesome Wike – Rivers Governor Nyesom Wike is a man used to controversies. In fact, he has been accused of relishing in such without minding who is bitter or hurt by his actions. However, the alleged demolition of a mosque in the state by his administration may be love for controversy taken too far. Despite allegations by the owners of the mosque that the demolition took place despite evidence of government approved plan, Governor Wike, in his characteristic manner, chose to down play the demolition, insisting no mosque was demolished in the state. Though several notable Nigerians, especially northerners, have warned that the development is capable of engulfing the nation in serious religious crisis, we are equally concerned about Wike’s penchant for arbitrariness. Ripples Nigeria recalls that Governor Wike had similarly acted beyond his bounds when he ordered the demolition of the terminal of some transport companies in the state despite the pendency of suits over some disputed properties in courts of competent jurisdiction. For Wike, it would seem that rules are not important and can be trampled upon at will! 3. Yahaya Bello – Kogi If Kogi State civil servants had their way, every month should be election season in the state. At least, they would be assured of receiving their salaries, including months of arrears! That is the reality in Kogi where the state governor, Yahaya Bello, waited till the eve of the governorship election, where he is standing for reelection, to pay about five months of salary arrears. The payment of five months arrears is, however, out of a backlog running into over 30 months in some cases. The state under Bello is also reputed to have carried out the longest staff verification exercise spanning over three years. The desperation for a second term in office also made Governor Bello to hurriedly hand over Staff of Offices to 15 traditional rulers who, for one reason or the other, had been denied in time past. More worrisome, however, is the current face-off and attempts at impeaching the state’s Deputy Governor, Elder Simon Achuma, whose only offence is disagreeing with Governor Bello and his Chief of Staff, Edward Onoja. The process for the impeachment, already in motion, is coming after the state government made attempts at sacking the state Chief Judge, using the House of Assembly, in obvious disregard for laws governing employment, discipline and sacking of judicial officers. 4. Bello Masari – Katsina Governor Bello Masari of Katsina State stunned Nigerians before the 2019 general elections when he called for the declaration of a state of emergency in his state. The governor made the call as armed bandits, kidnappers and other violent criminals took over the state, holding the people by the jugular. For many, the deteriorating security situation in Katsina is nothing but a failure of leadership on the part of Governor Masari. In our view, he failed to show capacity and provide needed leadership for the security agencies in the state, in the mould a green horn in Zamfara, Bello Matawalle, had ‘miraculously’ done in curtailing the activities of bandits. It is even more worrisome that Katsina, being President Muhammadu Buhari’s home state, could lay prostrate before bandits and other violent criminals. Abduction of innocent residents, killings and destruction of properties have continued almost unabated. The belated decision of the governor to meet the bandits in their hideouts may after all be an after thought and a poor copy of the Zamfara model. 5. Adegboyega Oyetola – Osun Unlike the bosterous man-in-the-news posture of his predecessor and former boss, Rauf Aregbesola, Governor Adegboyega Oyetola has appeared almost inactive with too little to report about him or his interventions in Osun State. However, one sore point that the governor has unfortunately made a priority and elevated to state policy is granting of holidays that are capable of having negative impact on the already not-too-buoyant economy of the state. In the month of August alone, Governor Oyetola declared a public holiday for ‘Isese day’, a day dedicated to traditional religious worshippers and just last Friday, another one for the celebration of the Islamic New Year. Both holidays are not nationally recognised public holidays. Though the governor has the power to declare public holidays in his state, it is, however, doubtful if these holidays hold any immediate or long term economic, social or political impact on the people of the state. It is the opinion of Ripples Nigeria that policies and actions of state governments be deliberately and strategically designed to elevate society in all areas of Human Development Index (HDI). Governor Oyetola will do well by dedicating himself much more to policies and actions that will lift the lot of the improverished ordinary people of the state and not continue in the current public holidays jamboree, hurting the state’s economy further! CREDIT: RIPPLES NIGERIA

A new study has found that one in every three ladies have gone on a date with a guy just to get a free meal. The research was conducted by Brian Collisson, Jennifer Howell, and Trista Harig of Azusa Pacific University and UC Merced, and published in the journal Social Psychological and Personality Science on Friday. The study, titled a “foodie call”, is a process whereby a person sets up a date with someone they are not romantically interested in, but for the purpose of getting a free meal. The name was derived from the term “booty call” – a slang for phoning an acquaintance for sex. The two online studies carried out by the researchers showed that 23 per cent to 33 per cent of women “have engaged in a foodie call”. During the first study, 820 women — with 40% single, 33% married, and 27% committed in a relationship but not married — were recruited. Out of the participants, 85% said they were heterosexual, and they were the focus for the study. Their personality traits, beliefs about gender roles, and their “foodie call” history were all measured. They were also asked if they thought a foodie call was socially acceptable. Nearly a quarter — about 23 per cent — of the participants in the first group said they had engaged in a “foodie call”. Although some of the women believed “foodie call” was more acceptable, others were of the opinion that it was extremely to moderately unacceptable. For the second study, a similar set of questions of 357 heterosexual women were analysed and it was discovered that 33% had engaged in a “foodie call”. The authors, however, stressed that neither of the studies recruited representative samples of women, so the percentage might not be accurate for women in general. They noted that “foodie calls” could happen in any kind of relationships and could be perpetrated by all genders https://www.trtworld.com/africa/west-african-nations-adopt-eco-as-single-currency-27892

The idea of the single currency for the West African region was first mooted almost 30 years ago in the hope of boosting cross border trade and economic development. Leaders of the member states of the Economic Community of West African States, known as ECOWAS, formally agreed on Saturday to name a planned common currency the "ECO". The 15-member group announced at the end of a summit in Abuja, the Nigerian capital, that "ECO was adopted as the name of the ECOWAS single currency." The idea of a common currency for the West African region was first mooted almost 30 years ago in the hope of boosting cross border trade and economic development. The aim is to have the currency in place by next year and leaders in Abuja reaffirmed the "gradual approach to the single currency starting with countries that meet the convergent criteria," a statement said. It said the currency would be based on a flexible exchange rate regime, coupled with a monetary policy framework focused on inflation targeting. Member states should pursue appropriate policies and structural reforms that will sustain accelerated growth and the structural transformation of their economies, it added. Dangerous for region's economies? Economists say they understand the thinking behind the currency plan but believe it is unrealistic and could even be dangerous for the region's economies which are dominated by one single country, Nigeria, which accounts for two-thirds of the region's economic output. ECOWAS was set up in 1975 and comprises Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo –– representing a total population of around 385 million. Eight ECOWAS countries –– Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo –– currently use the CFA franc. They are moored to the single European currency and are gathered in an organisation called the West African Monetary Union, or WAMU. But the seven other ECOWAS countries have their own currencies, none of them freely convertible. Source: AFP

DO YOU REMEMBER HIM? Exactly 32 years ago today, the notorious bandit who terrorised Benin City and old Bendel State the 80s , Lawrence Nomanyagbon Anini A.K.A. "Ovbigbo" or "the Law" and some members of his gang were executed by firing squad after being convicted by the defunct Bendel Armed Robbery and Firearms Tribunal presided over by Justice James Omo-Agege Anini was born in a village about 20 miles from Benin City in present-day Edo State. He migrated to Benin at an early age, learned to drive and became a skilled taxi driver. Anini became known in Benin motor parks as a man who could control the varied competing interests among motor park touts and operators. He later dived into the criminal business in the city and soon became a driver and transporter for gangs, criminal godfathers and thieves. Later on, he decided to create his own gang which included, Monday Osunbor, Friday Ofege, Smallie ,Henry Ekponwan, Eweka and Alhaji Zed Zed or Zegezege who was never captured. They started out as car hijackers, bus robbers and bank thieves. Gradually, he extended his criminal acts to other towns and cities far north and east of Benin. The complicity of the police is believed to have triggered Anini’s reign of terror in 1986. In early 1986, two members of his gang were tried and prosecuted against an earlier under-the-table ‘agreement’ with the police to destroy evidence against the gang members. The incident, and Anini’s view of police betrayal, is believed to have spurred retaliatory actions by Anini. In August, 1986, a fatal bank robbery linked to Anini was reported in which a police officer (Nathaniel Egharevba)and others were killed. That same month, two officers on duty were shot at a barricade while trying to stop Anini’s car. During a span of three months, he was known to have killed nine police officers. In an operation in August 1986, the Anini team struck at First Bank, Sabongida-Ora, where they carted away N2,000. But although the amount stolen was seen as chicken feed, many persons were killed. On September 6, same year, the Anini gang snatched a Peugeot 504 car from Albert Otoe, the driver of the famous super cop Assistant Inspector General of Police, Christopher Omeben. In snatching the car, they killed the driver and went to hide his corpse somewhere. It was not until three months later that the skeleton of the driver was spotted 16 kilometers away from Benin City, along the Benin-Agbor highway. A day after this attack, Anini, operating in a Passat car believed to have been stolen, also effected the snatching of another Peugeot 504 car near the former FEDECO office, in Benin. Two days later, the Anini men killed two policemen in Orhiowon Local Government of the state. Still in that month, three different robbery attacks, all pointing to Anini’s involvement, took place. They include the murder of Frank Unoarumi, a former employee of the Nigerian Observer newspapers; the killing of Mrs. Remi Sobanjo, a chartered accountant, and the stealing of the Mercedes Benz car in Benin, of the Ughelli monarch, the Ovie. Before September 1986 drew to a close, Anini struck at a gas station along Wire Road, Benin, where he stole a substantial part of the day’s sales. He shot the station’s attendant and gleefully started spraying his booty along the road for people to pick. The height of Anini’s exploits, however, took place on October 1, 1986, the Independence Day when the state’s Commissioner of Police, Casmir Akagbosu was ambushed by the gang in Benin riddled his convoy in a hail of bullets. The police boss survived the attacks with serious injuries. Earlier that day also, the Anini men had gunned down a police man within the city "The Law", as he was nicknamed, during an operation that went bad reportedly had to escape from the police by driving in reverse for a greater part of the distance from Agbor (Delta State) to Benin City (Edo State). Also, on October 21 of same year, the Anini robbery gang terminated the life of a Benin-based medical doctor, A.O Emojeve when they gunned him down along Textile Mill Road, in Benin. Not done, Anini and gang went and robbed the Agbor branch of African Continental Bank and carted away about N46, 000. A day after the operation, Anini, The Law, turned to a ‘Father Christmas’ as he strew wads of naira notes on the ground for free pick by market men and women at a village near Benin. Anini’s image thus loomed larger than life, dwarfing those of Ishola Oyenusi, the king of robbers in the 1970s and Youpelle Dakuro, the army deserter who masterminded the most vicious daylight robbery,at Boulous Enterprises in Lagos in 1978, in which two policemen were killed. Anini thus spearheaded a four-month reign of terror between August and December 1986. Anini also reportedly wrote numerous letters to media houses using political tones of Robin Hood-like words, to describe his criminal acts. Worried by the seeming elusiveness of Anini and his gang members, the military President, General Ibrahim Babangida then ordered a massive manhunt for the kingpin and his fellow robbers. The police thus went after them, combing every part of Bendel State where they were reportedly operating and living. The whole nation was gripped with fear of the robbers and their daredevil exploits. However, Police manhunt failed to stop their activities; the more they were hunted, the more intensified their activities became. Some of the locals in the area even began to tell stories of their invincibility and for a while, it felt like they were never going to be caught. However, at the conclusion of a meeting of the Armed Forces Ruling Council , the Nation's then highest ruling body in October 1986, General Babangida turned to the Inspector- General of Police, Etim Inyang, and asked, ‘My friend, where is Anini?’ Apperently embarrassed, IGP Iyang could to only tell his Commander in Chief that "We are still looking for him sir". IGP Iyang was soon tender his notice of retirement from the force. At about this time, Nigerian newspapers and journals were also publishing various reports and editorials on the ‘Anini Challenge’, the ‘Anini Saga’, the ‘Anini Factor’, ‘Lawrence Anini – the Man, the Myth’, ‘Anini, and ‘Lawrence Anini: A Robin Hood in Bendel’. The Guardian New papers asked, emphatically, in one of its reports: ‘Will they ever find Anini, “The Law”?’. An African Proverb says "everyday for the thief ,one day for the owner, Anini's reign of terror was eventually brought to an end with his arreste by a police officer , Superintendent of Police, Kayode Uanreroro on December 3, 1986, at No 26, Oyemwosa Street, opposite Iguodala Primary School, Benin City, in company with six women. Acting on a tip-off from the locals, the policeman went straight to the house where Anini was hiding and apprehended him with very little resistance. Uanreroro led a crack 10-man team to the house, knocked on the door of the room, and Anini himself, clad in underpants, opened the door. “Where is Anini,” the police officer quickly enquired. It was believed that his girl friend had a hand in his arrest. Many are of the opinion that the girlfriend collaborated with the police and took Anini's charms away before the police arrived. Dazed as he was caught off guard and having no escape route, Anini all the same tried to be smart. “Oh, Anini is under the bed in the inner room”. As he said it, he made some moves to walk past Uanreroro and his team. In the process, he shoved and head-butted the police officer but it was an exercise in futility. Uanreroro promptly reached for his gun, stepped hard on Anini’s right toes and shot at his left ankle. Anini surged forward but the policemen took hold of him and put him in a sitting position. They then pumped more bullets into his shot leg and almost severed the ankle from his entire leg. Already, anguished by the excruciating pains, the policemen asked him, “Are you Anini?” And he replied, “My brother, I won’t deceive you; I won’t tell you lie, I’m Anini.” He was from there taken to the police command headquarters where the state’s Police Commissioner, Parry Osayande, was waiting. While in the police net, Anini who had poor command of English and could only communicate in pidgin, made a whole lot of revelations. He disclosed, for instance that Osunbor, who had been arrested earlier, was his deputy, saying that Osunbor actually shot and wounded the former police boss of the state, Akagbosu Anini was shot in the leg, transferred to a military hospital, and had one of his legs amputated. That was after Monday Osunbor was also captured. When Anini’s hideout was searched, police recovered assorted charms, including the one he usually wore around his waist during “operations”. It was instructive that after Anini was captured and dispossessed of his charms, the man who terrorised a whole state and who was supposed to be fearless suddenly became so lilly livered and started singing like a sparrow, making confessions. This was against public expectation of a daredevil hoodlum who would remain defiant to the very end. Shortly after the arrest of Anini and co, the dare-devil robbers began to squeal, revealing the roles played by key police officers and men, in the aiding and abetting of criminals in Bendel State and the entire country. Due to the amputation of his leg, Anini was confined to a wheelchair throughout his trial. Anini particularly revealed that Chief Supretendent of Police Iyamu, who was the most senior police officer shielding the robbers, would reveal police secrets to them and then, give them logistic supports such as arms, to carry out robbery operations. He further revealed that Iyamu, after each operation, would join them in sharing the loot. It was further exposed how Iyamu planned to kill Christopher Omeben, an Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of Intelligence and Investigation. But Iyamu was later to be disappointed as the assailants dispatched to eliminate Omeben were only able to kill his driver, Otue, a sergeant. Iyamu, whom the robbers fondly referred to as ‘Baba’, reportedly had choice buildings in Benin City; being how he invested the loots he obtained from men of the underworld. Iyamu, on his part, denied ever knowing and collaborating with Anini. But Anini stood his ground .Of the 10 police officers Anini implicated, five were convicted. The robbery suspects, including Iyamu, were sentenced to death. But in passing his judgement, Justice Omo-Agege remarked, “Anini will forever be remembered in the history of crime in this country, but it would be of unblessed memory. Few people if ever, would give the name to their children.” The execution of Anini and the remaining members of his gang took place on the last Saturday of March ,1987. Osunbor and CSP Iyamu had been executed few weeks earlier.

On December 23, 1985, the Vatsa family had just concluded plans to travel to Calabar because, usually, they spent the yuletide in the Cross River State capital, (Sufiya is Efik), the Id-el-Fitri in Minna, Niger State (Vatsa is Nupe) and the Id-el Kabir in Kaduna. After the necessary packing for the trip, the family waited for the return of General Vatsa from the Armed Forces Ruling Council, (AFRC), meeting he had attended. He returned home late, so the trip was postponed till the following day. At about 12 midnight, while Sufiya was watching a movie in her bedroom, her husband, who was working in his study, rushed in to tell her that IBB had sent for him. The wife protested that it was too late in the night and that Vatsa should phone his boss to shift the meeting to the following morning. As this debate was going on, Lt. Col. U.K. Bello led a team of soldiers to Vatsa’s home at Rumens Street, Ikoyi, Lagos. The soldiers, who came with armored vehicles and military vans, surrounded the house. Vatsa told his wife who was upstairs to peep through the window. Unable to contain her fear, she rushed downstairs and insisted that if the soldiers would take away her husband, then she had to follow them. Sufiya insisted on driving Vatsa in her own Pengeot 404. At this point, Vatsa directed that the children be woken up, and he kissed them one after the other. Haruna, the first son, who was in the Nigeria Military School, Zaria, followed them downstairs, weeping. While UK Bello drove in the fore of the convoy, Sufiya and Vatsa were chauffeur-driven in their own car in what later turned out to be a merry-go-round about Lagos till about 2 a.m when they stopped at 7 Cameron Road, Ikoyi. Vatsa was ordered out of the car. As he made to enter the building, Sufiya ran after him but she was rudely pulled back by the soldiers. The General turned and gave his wife a bear hug, an embrace that was their last. He urged his wife to take care of their children, Haruna, Fatima, Jibrin and Aisha. Sufiya returned home dejected. To her shock, the military authorities had withdrawn the official domestic staff. At 5a.m, she prepared breakfast of fried yam and pawpaw, drove to her husband’s detention centre but was told she could not bring in any food. Another surprise awaited Vatsa’s wife. A soldier came in and said: “Madam, Oga’s wife, Mrs Mariam Babangida, said I should carry General Vatsa’s telephone handset to her.” Fatima, Vatsa’s daughter, clung to the gadget. A struggle ensued between the 15-year-old girl and the soldier, whose muscles bulged like the biceps of Michaelangelo’s statues. Sufiya asked her daughter to let go of the probably bugged set. Worse still, some gruff, fierce-looking soldiers, led by Vatsa’s former Aide-de-Camp (ADC), Captain Maku, an intelligence officer of Idoma extraction, had led other soldiers in laying siege to the family’s house. “Madam, no visitors, no phone calls, no going out,” Maku snapped as he reclined on a settee in the living room, an improvised toothpick, peeping out of a corner of his mouth. When Sufiya protested that the family needed to buy foodstuff, Maku, whose friendly disposition when he was Vatsa’s batman had changed, commanded that the woman and her children “must manage.” After three days of captivity, Sufiya could not endure it any longer. She told Maku: “Look, I am going to the market. If you refuse me, it means between you and I, somebody will die. I will show you I am a soldier’s wife.” She took her car, and without bothering about the soldiers, who cocked their guns menacingly at her, rammed it into the gate, which gave way as the soldiers scattered capriciously in different directions. She got to Falomo, bought bread and eggs, and decided to see one of her husband’s friends, General Gado Nasko. Before the visit to Nasko, however, Sufiya had driven home and, since her daughter was, coincidentally, at the gate, had dropped the food and driven to the Naskos. Sufiya’s mission was to ask Nasko to fix a meeting between her and IBB to find a way to settle the matter. Although soldiers at Nasko’s house gave her the cold shoulder, her persistence worked. Nasko, who said he was aware of the problem and would try to arrange the meeting, asked Sufiya to see him in the evening. Her hope soared. The reason was the special relationship between her family and IBB’s. “When we got married,” Sufiya was reported as saying, “I thought IBB and my husband were of the same family. The two wore the same size of dress and pair of shoes. IBB would drop his dirty wears in our house and put on my husband’s. When IBB traveled out, for a further military training my husband took care of Mariam and her children. General Vatsa, apart from mounting the horse when IBB married Mariam, bought their first set of furniture from Leventis on hire purchase. IBB was also my husband’s best man during our wedding. Whenever Maryam’s Mercedez car broke down, she used to drive my Peugeot 404. We were close.” Another disappointment awaited Sufiya when she returned to her Rumen’s Street residence, Ikoyi. A soldier from Bonny Camp was waiting for her with an order that the family should vacate the house. Another military officer said the car should be taken to Army Headquarters for security check after which they broke into the car’s glove compartment and confiscated Vatsa’s manuscripts. In frustration, Sufiya hired a trailer and moved the family’s belongings to Kaduna. She and Fatima, however, returned and stayed in Nwakana Okoro, her brother-in-law’s house at Queen’s Drive, Ikoyi. When the military authorities bugged Okoro’s telephone, the lawyer, a Senior Advocate, of Nigeria, became jittery. All attempts by Sufiya to see her husband were frustrated by the military authorities. It was only Fatima’s trick that worked a bit. Posing as a lawyer, she would follow other counsels into Vatsa’s detention centre and trial venue. Vatsa, however, sent Sufiya a note from Kirikiri, saying: “Do not beg Babangida. He is after my life. Take care of the children. I know it is not easy but God will help you.” When he was to be executed, Vatsa requested that his wrist watch and wedding ring be given to Sufiya. “But by the time they brought the watch and the wedding ring, the ring wasn’t my wedding ring, so I rejected it. “Till today, they have not returned the ring to me,” Sufiya was quoted by a family source. Sufiya was, therefore, left in the cold, without any wealth to fall back on. Vatsa had only one plot of land in Abuja, but it was taken over by the late despot, General Sani Abacha. At a point, Sufiya approached General Jeremiah Useni, one-time Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, in a bid to reclaim the land. Useni called for the file and told Vatsa’s wife to pay for the land rent. She, however, complained to Useni: “When my husband was a minister in FCT, he refused to allocate land to me, his wife. He said it would be immoral for him to give me land. He said his successor would give me.” Useni looked the other way while Sufiya and her family were deprived of the land. Not all of Vatsa’s friends abandoned the family, however. “One of his friends came to our aid.” Sufiya once said. “Every other person that was dining and wining with my husband immediately switched over to IBB. Even my children today are not identified with.” To keep body, soul and the family together, Sufiya, of Efik descent, would travel to Calabar, in Cross River State, and bring food from her people to take care of her children in Kaduna where she has vowed to remain. Apart from buying and selling, Sufiya used to engage in poultry and cattle rearing. In fact, she injected life into her Sava Farm, which she set up in 1971 after the civil war. But robbers ruined the business. Sufiya believed her husband was innocent of the crime for which he was executed. She once lamented to her husband’s family:” It is painful that my husband was executed as a coup plotter even when he was not. And till this moment, we don’t know where he was buried. That Gen. Domkat Bali interview published in TheNews magazine is one of the good things God has done to us in the Vatsa family. Before, some people did not believe that Vatsa was not a coup plotter; but Bali’s confession explained it all. They should release the corpse of my husband to me so that he can be given a befitting burial. That is my prayer.” It was for this reason that Sufiya wrote a letter, dated June 15, 2006, to President Olusegun Obasanjo, where she stated: “Although there was no iota of evidence linking my husband with the phantom coup, he was convicted and sentenced to death by the Special Military Tribunal which purportedly tried him and other coup suspects. My husband’s appeal to the Armed Forces Ruling Council against his illegal conviction was yet to be considered when the Head of State, General Babangida had him secretly executed along with the other coup convicts.” She claimed in the letter that Bali confirmed her husband’s innocence in TheNEWS’ interview when he said: ‘“My regret is that up till now, I am not sure whether Vatsa ought to have been killed because whatever evidence they amassed against him was weak. My only regret is that I could not say, don’t do it. I am not so sure whether we were right to have killed Vatsa.” Sufiya, therefore, requested the Obasanjo administration to prosecute General Babangida for “the murder of my husband, General Vatsa.” Born on 3 December 1940, Major General Mamman Vatsa attended the Government Secondary School, Bida, Niger State. He enlisted in the Nigerian Army on 10 December 1962 and was trained at the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna and the India Military Academy. Vatsa was in charge of the 21 Battalion during the Nigerian Civil War, after which he became an instructor at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna. Apart from his position as Principal Staff Officer at Army Headquarters, he commanded the 30 infantry Brigade (Ogoja) until July 1975. As the Commander of the Brigade of Guards, a post he held until 1979, Vatsa oversaw the movement of its headquarters from Dodan Barracks to Kofo Abayomi Street, Victoria Island, Lagos. One proof of his loyalty to his Commander-in-Chief was when, as Commander, Brigade of Guards, Calabar, he was the first to go on air to kick against the 13 February 1976 coup, led by Lt. Col Buka Dimka. During the trial of suspects involved in that coup, he was the Tribunal Secretary. Thereafter, he was appointed the Commander, Brigade of Guards under General Olusegun Obasanjo. Mrs. Vatsa once revealed: “My husband drove General Obasanjo to his Ota farm after he handed over power to the civilians in 1979.” As Nowa Omoigui wrote, Vatsa was Commandant of the Nigerian Army School of Infantry (NASI) from 1979. “He, along with Lt. Col Bitiyong, developed the Special Warfare Wing and established the doctrinal basis for the establishment of the 82nd Composite Division of the Nigerian Army in Enugu. In fact, it was Vatsa who suggested that the Division be called the “82nd Division” – after the 82nd West African Division, Burma.” As an accomplished poet and writer, Vatsa was able to publish eight poetry collections for adults and 11 for younger ones. Some of his book titles are Back Again At Watergate (1982), Reach For The Skies (1984), and Verses for Nigerian State Capitals (1973). His pidgin poetry collection is Tori for Geti Bow Leg (1981). His pictorial books are Bikin Suna and Stinger the Scorpion. His literary interests transcended merely reeling out volumes of verse. He organized writing workshops for soldiers and their families, assisted the Children’s Literature Association with funds, as well as allocating a piece of land in Abuja for a writers village for the Association of Nigerian Authors. Vatsa was so pre-occupied with creativity that he always carried jotters to the toilet, dining table and the bedroom. There were books strewn around in the family’s apartment so much that, Sufiya once threatened to “throw these books out.” Vatsa’s journey to the great beyond started on 17 December 1985 when the military authorities arrested over 100 officers from the Army, Navy and the Air Force. Vatsa was picked up seven days later. They were, for two weeks, investigated by the Brigadier-General Sani Sami-led Preliminary Special Investigation Panel. After this, 17 of them were dragged before a Special Military Tribunal, set up by Bali, at the Defence Minister, at the Brigade of Guards Headquarters, Lagos. The accused officers were Lt.-Cols. Musa Bitiyong, Christian A. Oche, Micheal A Iyorshe, M. Effiong; Majors D.I Bamidele, D.E. West, J.O Onyeke and Tobias G Akwashiki. Others were Captain G.I L Sese, Lt. K.G. Dakpa, Commodore A.A. Ogwiji, Wing Commanders B.E. Ekele, Adamu Sakaba; Squadron Leaders Martin Luther, C. Ode and A Ahura. The tribunal, chaired by Major General Ndiomu, tried the officers under the Treason and Other Offences (Special Military Tribunal) Decree 1 of 1986. Other members of the tribunal were Brigadier Yerima Yohanna Kure, Commodore Murtala Nyako, Col. Rufus Kupolati, Col E. Opaleye, and Lt. Col. D. Muhammed. Alhaji Mamman Nassarawa, a commissioner of police and Major A Kejawa, the Judge Advocate, were also members. The IBB regime accused Vatsa of trying to overthrow it by hiding behind a farming loan to Lt-Col Bitiyong, a charge which the general denied. As Nowa Omogui, a military analyst explains in his essay, ''The Vatsa Conspiracy'', Bitiyong was allegedly tortured to implicate Vatsa “by making reference to certain private political conversations they had, which Vatsa denied.” There were further allegations that Luther, Oche, Ogwiji and Bitiyong held a meeting at the Lagos Sheraton Hotel and Towers in November 1985. Iyorchie, Bitiyong, Oche, Ekele, Sakaba and Bamidele also allegedly met in Makurdi. Allegations such as the diversion of the presidential jet to a pre-arranged location by pilots in the executive fleet (Luther and Ahura), as Omogui put it, were floated. Oche allegedly held a meeting with Major Akwashiki, Commander of the 6th Battalion, Bonny Camp, and Onyeke, after a game of squash in Lagos and spoke about the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan. Akwashiki was sentenced to death, but this was commuted to life imprisonment. He was however released 10 years later by the Abacha regime. Oche, it was also alleged, mentioned the plot to his nephew, Peter Odoba, a young lieutenant of the Brigade of Guards who, as Omogui wrote, informed then Lt. Hamza al-Mustapha, an intelligence officer to the Chief of Army Staff. Obada was charged with “concealment, recommended for dismissal and a long jail term.” On 6 March 1986, however, Vatsa, Iyorshe, Bamidele, Ogwiji, Ekele, Sakaba, Luther, Akura were executed.Vatsa had taken his trial and sentence with cheerful equanimity like the writer that he was. His vintage smiles revealed more than his words. “I leave you with smiles as smiles surprise people. But I will tell members of the Nigerian Army that the day you start insulting yourselves, others begin to join you,” he said. To buttress his position that there was rivalry between IBB and Vatsa, Omogui referred to an interview that Eniola Bello of THISDAY had with IBB in 2001 when he turned 60. ‘“Babangida said it was after Vatsa’s coup was foiled that he realized his childhood friend and classmate planned the coup in line with a deep-seated personal rivalry, going back to their days as young officers. He said that unconsciously, he and Vatsa had been great competitors; that as a young officer, whatever he did Vatsa equally did and whatever Vatsa achieved, he also went after. He said it was Lt. Gen. T.Y. Danjuma who pointed this out to him from their military records.” Babangida gave this rationalization to justify his refusal to pardon Vatsa. He said when he first heard his childhood friend was planning a coup, he decided to do nothing but monitor him. He added, however, that Vatsa came to him to complain thus: ''You heard I was planning a coup and couldn’t even ask me. What kind of friend are you?'' To this, Babangida said he replied: ''I didn’t believe it, or are you planning a coup?'' He said Vatsa replied in the negative and the matter was forgotten until there was evidence of the plot. Babangida said he instructed that Vatsa be arrested and detained to prevent him from impeding investigation into the matter. Babangida argued: “However, Vatsa tried to escape through the air conditioner hole. I couldn’t understand why he was trying to escape if he was not involved in a coup plot. But while watching the video of his execution, I turned my eyes away when I saw him remove his watch and ask a soldier to give his wife. I couldn’t continue watching.” Babangida added that he couldn’t retire or imprison Vatsa because he believed the guy could still have planned a coup either in retirement or in prison. “Rawlings did it in Ghana and you know Vatsa was very stubborn,” IBB said. Omogui, however, lamented the tragedy that befell Vatsa: “Vatsa maintained to the very end that the money was for farming. Others alleged, however, that after being tortured for two days, Bitiyong implicated Vatsa by making reference to certain private political conversations they had, which Vatsa denied. But Vatsa was accused of harbouring “bad blood” against his friend and classmate Babangida, dating back to the Buhari regime and possibly earlier. ''He was also obliquely accused of reporting Babangida’s coup plot to Buhari before he left the country for pilgrimage along with Major General Tunde Idiagbon in August, 1985. Actions he later took as a Minister to accelerate many military applications for certificates of occupancy for land in Abuja, came to be viewed as efforts to buy the support of one or two of the plotters. Rumors that a civilian had introduced him at a party as Nigeria’s next President were even aired. ''All of this was, of course, circumstantial. But they took him to the stake, which was quite an anti-climax to the career of a brilliant man who never took part in any coup in Nigeria. Indeed, Mamman Vatsa was the first to go on air in Calabar to denounce the Dimka coup, and was later the Secretary of the Obada panel that tried Dimka and others in 1976. This little detail may have earned him some latent enmity in certain circles of the Army which later contributed to his death.” There is also a very strong belief that Vatsa may have been a victim of political intrigues because of his intellectual sagacity, being a writer and soldier-poet, and his significant indifference to the military politics at that time. In fact, his ordeal had attracted three leading Nigerian literary icons, Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka and John Pepper Clark Bekederemo, who had gone to plead with Babangida for clemency, only to be shocked by news of his execution few minutes after departing Dodan Barracks, venue of the meeting. Hajia Sufiya Vatsa, wife of the late former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, General Mamman Vatsa, was at the forefront of the struggle to ensure that justice is done in the Vatsa case but her campaign was cut short in the early hours of Monday, May 21, 2007 when she died. Hajia Sufiya Vatsa, widow of the late former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, General Mamman Vatsa, died aged 56 on May 21, 2007 at her residence in Kaduna after a brief illness. #HistoryVille